Introduction
This syllabus will introduce discourses and narratives surrounding transgender and gender-diverse (TGD) populations. Discourses are what and how things are being said about TGD people, and narratives are stories which TGD people and others tell from their personal experiences.
The importance of advocacy
It is important to discuss TGD discourses and narratives because:
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In the U.S., 6.68 times more anti-trans bills have been considered, and 7 times more passed in 2025 compared to 2021 (Trans Legislation Tracker). Discussions help raise awareness and drive change.
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Discussing TGD discourses and narratives serves as a reminder that TGD populations exist, where withholding such discourses lead to "danger, precarity, and soul murder for TGD people" (Patterson, 2020). Speaking up allows TGD communities to share information, normalise trans identities and empower each other, which enhances wellbeing (Johnson & Rogers, 2019)
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Discourse against TGD rights are often based upon fear and misconceptions. Educating on TGD populations helps foster understanding instead (Falco, 2016).
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The sharing of non-judgmental narratives and discourses relating to TGD populations can help reduce prejudices of TGD and non-TGD individuals (Kalla & Broockman, 2020).
What discourses will we be covering?
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Transgender rights
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Healthcare
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The pathologisation of transness
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Regulations on gender-affirming care
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Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act
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The Protecting Children From Chemical And Surgical Mutilation Order
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Benefits of HRT
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The Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism And Restoring Biological Truth To The Federal Government Order
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"Turning cis kids into trans kids"
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The "Trans Industrial Complex"
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Barriers
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Right to exist in public spaces
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Sex-segregated public spaces and bathrooms
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Schools
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Sports
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What narratives will we be covering?
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Supportive narratives
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Queer temporality and chrononormativity
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Queer phenomenology
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Queer existentialist perspective
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Non-linear transitioning
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Disruptive narratives
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Doubts on TGD populations' morality
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References
Falco, L. (2016). The Bad, The Ugly, and the Uglier: How Fear and Misconceptions Are Flushing Away Equal Rights and Treatment For Transgender People. Tennessee Journal of Race, Gender, & Social Justice, 5(2). https://doi.org/10.70658/2693-3225.1085
Johnson, A. H., & Rogers, B. A. (2019). “We’re the normal ones here”: community involvement, peer support, and transgender mental health. Sociological Inquiry, 90(2), 271–292. https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12347
Kalla, J. L., & Broockman, D. E. (2020). Reducing Exclusionary Attitudes through Interpersonal Conversation: Evidence from Three Field Experiments. American Political Science Review, 114(2), 410–425. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000923
Patterson, G. (2020, August 15). Because trans people are speaking: Notes on our field’s first special issue on transgender rhetorics. Retrieved February 9, 2026, from https://cfshrc.org/article/because-trans-people-are-speaking-notes-on-our-fields-first-special-issue-on-transgender-rhetorics/
Discourses on TGD (transgender and gender-diverse) populations
Contents
Transgender rights
Healthcare
The pathologisation of transness
The DSM-V
The most recent, fifth version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V) denotes a section on "gender dysphoria". It describes gender dysphoria as the gender identity-related distress that some TGD people experience (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
Gender dysphoria replaced the previous term of "Gender Identity Disorder" as it was in DSM-IV. However, since this 'diagnosis' remains in DSM-V, gender dysphoria still carries connotations of being a mental problem.
The ICD-11
The most recent, eleventh version of the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD-11) denotes a section on "gender incongruence". It describes incongruence between an individual´s experienced gender and their assigned sex (World Health Organization, 2022).
Gender incongruence replaced the previous term of "transsexualism" as it was in DSM-IV.
Rather than being classed under “mental and behavioural disorders” as it was in ICD-10, gender incongruence is now classed separately under "conditions related to sexual health".
These changes show continual work of organisations to depathologise transness for TGD populations.
The fight to access gender-affirming care
In parts of the world, TGD individuals are still pathologised through psychiatric diagnoses, made to undergo reparative therapies aimed at changing their gender identity or expression; or undergo psychiatric evaluations based on binary and heteronormative frameworks to be able to access hormone treatments or gender-affirming medical procedures (Schwend, 2020).
In some US states, it had been possible for TGD adolescents to start hormone replacement therapy (HRT) without needing a letter of referral from a healthcare professional if they gave informed consent to treatment (Coleman et al., 2022). However, as of 2026, half of US states have laws and policies banning gender-affirming care access for youth (Dawson & Kates, 2025).
Regulations on gender-affirming care
Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA)
Section 1557 is the civil rights provision of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). It is a federal law which determines what constitutes discrimination in healthcare settings, and accordingly, whether funding is given to efforts upholding non-discriminatory care provision.
In 2020, the Trump administration rewrote Section 1557. Under this change, sex-based discrimination no longer involved discrimination on the basis of gender identity and sex stereotyping. This means the misgendering of, or other behaviours which may cause discomfort to TGD individuals would no longer violate the federal law.
The Protecting Children From Chemical And Surgical Mutilation Order
In 2025, the Trump administration's Protecting Children From Chemical And Surgical Mutilation Order was published. It supposes gender-affirming surgery to be "regrettable", "dangerous"and "destructive", denounces the World Professional Association for Transgender Health, and defunds all gender-affirming surgery (GAS) and hormone treatments for all individuals below 19 years of age.
The discourse that many TGD individuals regret medically transitioning is widespread, but false. The prevalence of regret post-GAS has been found to range from 0.3%-1% (Jedrzejewski et al., 2023; Narayan et al., 2021; Bustos et al., 2021). In fact, GAS regret rates are significantly lower compared to the average surgical regret rate of 14.4% in general populations (Barbee et al., 2023), the 7% regret rate of having children, and 16.2% regret rate of getting a tattoo (Thornton et al., 2024).
GAS is generally not dangerous, with low complication rates for mastectomy and breast augmentation, as well as relatively low complication rates for genital surgeries (Akhavan et al., 2021).
Current literature suggests the provision of hormone therapy (hormone replacement therapy and pubertal blockers) for TGD individuals is not destructive. Rather, it is a safe and effective way of increasing wellbeing and decreasing suicidality, self-harm, depression and anxiety rates (Allen et al., 2019; De Lara et al., 2020; Grannis et al., 2021; Kaltiala et al., 2020; Kuper et al., 2020; Tordoff et al., 2022; Turban et al., 2020). GAS also yields similar mental health benefits and is reported to have high patient satisfaction (Almazan & Keuroghlian, 2021; Park et al., 2022; Swan et al., 2023).
Providing federal funding and support for gender-affirming care would constitute as lifesaving treatment for TGD individuals in any country.
The Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism And Restoring Biological Truth To The Federal Government Order
In 2025, the Trump administration's Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism And Restoring Biological Truth To The Federal Government Order was also published. It states that based on the 'biological reality of sex', the idea of having a gender identity beyond 'biological sex' will no longer be recognised. It also states individuals can only be of the binary sex they belonged to 'at conception' -- they are male if they produce the small reproductive cell, or female if they produce the large reproductive cell.
In light of this regulation, the Trump administration has ceased all federal funds for gender-affirming care.
The discourse that sex is binary and determined by reproductive capacity is used not only by the Trump administration to suppress transgender and gender-diverse (TGD) rights, but is common in everyday society. However, recent research suggests sex and gender extend beyond one's reproductive capacity and may not simply be binary (Joel, 2021; Hyde et al., 2018). Rather, it is a more nuanced picture involving biological characteristics such as chromosomes, hormones, and secondary sexual characteristics. These give rise to multiple levels of sex (Rehmann-Sutter et al., 2023), and depending on such varying levels, an individual's healthcare needs may present differently. The Trump administration's executive decision therefore infringes on TGD populations' right to healthcare and bars individuals from accessing the tailored care they may require.
These federal limitations are ongoing and have become more restrictive throughout Trump's administrative reigns.
"Turning cis kids into trans kids"
There is discourse debating whether education on, and gender-affirming care for TGD populations pressures cisgender youth into becoming TGD.
While young people's understanding of their gender and their gender identity may change overtime (Durwood et al., 2022), cisgender youth do not simply "turn trans" once exposed to information about TGD populations. Research suggests early identifying transgender children's sense of their own gender was no more or less stable than cisgender children's (deMayo et al., 2025; Hässler et al., 2022), and that children's stability of gender perception remains similar overtime (i.e. transgender youth tend to remain within the trans umbrella, cisgender youth tend to remain cisgender). Therefore, there is little scientific basis in restricting education on and healthcare for TGD populations.
The "Trans Industrial Complex"
The "Trans Industrial Complex" is an ideological critique which argues that gender-affirming care is not about the wellbeing of populations, but is rather a ploy created by rich medical providers, insurance providers, lawyers and corporations to profit from the public. Despite being widely discussed among conservative spaces, the idea of such a complex has no empirical basis. On the other hand, TGD populations' increased wellbeing and quality of life from receiving gender-affirming care has been widely researched and documented.
Barriers
TGD healthcare experiences have not been researched extensively. Therefore, healthcare services were not designed with TGD populations in mind (Wagner et al., 2016), and TGD populations may struggle to get the care they require. TGD populations face barriers in accessing care, such as a reluctance in disclosing their trans identity in fear of prejudices and stigma, and/or a lack of provider understanding of TGD populations, resources and information (Aylagas-Crespillo et al., 2018; Floyd et al., 2020; Roberts & Fantz, 2014; Velasco et al., 2022; Xavier et al., 2013). In these studies, TGD populations state that inclusiveness of healthcare providers helps them find their experiences more positive, which include empathy and a willingness to learn about and listen to their needs.
There are also financial barriers, including the lack of insurance (Hines et al., 2019; Roberts & Fantz, 2014), as well as structural barriers at the federal level (see Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), The Protecting Children From Chemical And Surgical Mutilation Order, and The Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism And Restoring Biological Truth To The Federal Government Order sections).
Right to exist in public spaces
Sex-segregated public spaces and bathrooms
Bans on Transgender People Using Public Bathrooms and Facilities According to their Gender Identity
These laws require that locker rooms, changing rooms, restrooms, shower rooms and other sex-segregated rooms in K-12 school settings, and sometimes also government-owned buildings, be designated for use based on sex assigned at birth. They sometimes also extend to bathroom use in universities, colleges, public parks, prisons and airports.
As of February 2026, these bans are active in 20 states (Movement Advancement Project, 2026), with Senate Bill Eight (The Texas Women's Privacy Act) in Texas as one such example.
A common discourse used by those who oppose gender-affirming use of bathrooms, is that if individuals do not use the bathrooms aligning with their sex at birth, it may give rise to sexual harassment and paedophilia, especially if they have a penis and are entering women's spaces under the guise of 'gender confusion' (Councilor, 2021). To conservatives, transgender rights regarding bathrooms is a safety concern (Wuest, 2019).
However, the notion that free access to bathrooms of choice for TGD populations gives rise to sexual crime has no empirical basis. The passing of laws which had allowed TGD individuals to use gender-affirming spaces had not impacted the frequency of sexual crime occurrences in traditionally sex-segregated spaces, like bathrooms, and safety violations in bathrooms are very uncommon (Hasenbush et al., 2019).
In the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey, it was found that six out of ten TGD individuals avoided using the bathroom. The avoidance of bathrooms was associated with fear of being questioned or harassed about bathroom choice, increased suicidal ideation and severe psychological distress (Lerner, 2021). Importantly, this survey was conducted when there were no laws dictating the use of bathrooms for any gender in the US. Research published during Trump's administrative reign, with bathroom bans on the rise, shows that more than 40% of TGD individuals avoid eating or drinking to minimise their use of bathroom, which could lead to health complications (Fredrick & Mann, 2025).
Furthermore, the use of men's and women's bathrooms further enforces the idea that gender is binary, which often brings discomfort to gender-diverse individuals (Bagagli et al., 2021). Gender-inclusive bathrooms (bathrooms with separate, private stalls, with a shared sink and mirror space for all) are part of an alternative bathroom model which has been implemented in some US school settings, which helps reduce isolation and dysphoria for TGD individuals (McGuire et al., 2021).
Schools
The Ending Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling Order
In 2025, the Trump administration's "Ending Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling" order was published. It states "young men and women are made to question whether they were born in the wrong body", and therefore stops all federal funding on education or support for 'radical gender ideology' in educational settings. It also demands K-12 school staff not to facilitate, and not to conceal a minor's social transitioning from their parents.
Research has found TGD individuals who were 'outed' (exposed as being TGD) in adolescence experienced greater psychological distress than those who were 'outed' in their adulthood (Albury, 2025). Upon being 'outed', youth may experience parental rejection, abuse, and even become disowned from their families (Grossman & D’augelli, 2006), which brings great humiliation and pain (Kretz, 2012).
As discussed above, the discourse that cis children are 'turned into' TGD children through exposure to TGD materials or education is also generally not supported by scientific evidence (see "Turning cis kids into trans kids" section). The vast majority of youth (around 96.7%) still identify as cisgender despite knowing the existence of TGD populations (Herman & Flores, 2025).
This order takes away the right of youth to maintain their privacy in trying to 'alleviate their gender confusion'. It endangers youth through 'outing' them when they are not ready, especially if their family is anti-LGBTQ. It is more fruitful for all parties to let TGD individuals come out at their own pace.
Sports
The Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports Order
In 2025, the Trump administration's "Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports" order was published. It states that allowing anyone who identifies as female to participate in women's sports "ignores fundamental biological truths between the two sexes, and deprives women and girls of meaningful access to educational facilities". It therefore ceases all funds to, and condemns TGD individuals who identify as female to compete with and undress before other females, with prioritisation on enforcement within educational institutions.
The assumption underlying the discourse that trans women perform better than cis women, purely due to biological sex, is not always founded. While sex differences between elite athletes generally contribute to a performance gap of 8-12%, in ultra-endurance swimming events, women generally outperform men (Sandbakk et al., 2017). Women have also outperformed men in sports like marathon-running (Knechtle et al., 2020).
References
Akhavan, A. A., Sandhu, S., Ndem, I., & Ogunleye, A. A. (2021). A review of gender affirmation surgery: What we know, and what we need to know. Surgery, 170(1), 336–340. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.surg.2021.02.013
Albury, J. (2025). Living Authentically, Facing the Consequences: Examining the Psychological Implications of Gender and Sexual Minority Outing (Doctoral dissertation, The Florida State University).
Allen, L. R., Watson, L. B., Egan, A. M., & Moser, C. N. (2019). Well-Being and Suicidality among Transgender youth after Gender-Affirming Hormones. Clinical Practice in Pediatric Psychology, 7(3), 302–311. https://doi.org/10.1037/cpp0000288
Almazan, A. N., & Keuroghlian, A. S. (2021). Association between Gender-Affirming surgeries and mental health outcomes. JAMA Surgery, 156(7), 611. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamasurg.2021.0952
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing
Aylagas-Crespillo, M., García-Barbero, Ó., & Rodríguez-Martín, B. (2018). Barriers in the social and healthcare assistance for transgender persons: A systematic review of qualitative studies. Enfermería Clínica (English Edition), 28(4), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enfcle.2017.09.005
Barbee, H., Hassan, B., & Liang, F. (2023). Postoperative regret among transgender and Gender-Diverse recipients of Gender-Affirming surgery. JAMA Surgery, 159(2), 125. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamasurg.2023.6052
Bagagli, B. P., Chaves, T. V., & Fontana, M. G. Z. (2021). Trans women and public restrooms: the legal discourse and its violence. Frontiers in Sociology, 6. https://doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2021.652777
Bustos, V. P., Bustos, S. S., Mascaro, A., Del Corral, G., Forte, A. J., Ciudad, P., Kim, E. A., Langstein, H. N., & Manrique, O. J. (2021). Regret after Gender-affirmation Surgery: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis of Prevalence. Plastic and reconstructive surgery. Global open, 9(3), e3477. https://doi.org/10.1097/GOX.0000000000003477
Coleman, E., Radix, A. E., Bouman, W. P., Brown, G. R., De Vries, A. L. C., Deutsch, M. B., Ettner, R., Fraser, L., Goodman, M., Green, J., Hancock, A. B., Johnson, T. W., Karasic, D. H., Knudson, G. A., Leibowitz, S. F., Meyer-Bahlburg, H. F. L., Monstrey, S. J., Motmans, J., Nahata, L., . . . Arcelus, J. (2022). Standards of Care for the Health of Transgender and Gender Diverse People, Version 8. International Journal of Transgender Health, 23(sup1), S1–S259. https://doi.org/10.1080/26895269.2022.2100644
Councilor, K. C. (2020). The specter of trans bodies: Public and political discourse about “Bathroom Bills”. In The Routledge handbook of gender and communication (pp. 274-288). Routledge.
Dawson, L., & Kates, J. (2025, November 24). Policy Tracker: Youth access to gender affirming care and state policy restrictions. KFF. https://www.kff.org/lgbtq/gender-affirming-care-policy-tracker/
De Lara, D. L., Rodríguez, O. P., Flores, I. C., Masa, J. L. P., Campos-Muñoz, L., Hernández, M. C., & Amador, J. T. R. (2020). Psychosocial assessment in transgender adolescents. Anales De Pediatría (English Edition), 93(1), 41–48. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.anpede.2020.01.004
deMayo, B. E., Gallagher, N. M., Leshin, R. A., & Olson, K. R. (2025). Stability and Change in Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Across Childhood and Adolescence. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 90(1-3), 7–172. https://doi.org/10.1111/mono.12479
Durwood, L., Kuvalanka, K. A., Kahn-Samuelson, S., Jordan, A. E., Rubin, J. D., Schnelzer, P., Devor, A. H., & Olson, K. R. (2022). Retransitioning: The experiences of youth who socially transition genders more than once. International Journal of Transgender Health, 23(4), 409–427. https://doi.org/10.1080/26895269.2022.2085224
Floyd, M., Martin, O., & Eckloff, K. (2019). A qualitative study of transgender individuals’ experiences of healthcare including radiology. Radiography, 26(2), e38–e44. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.radi.2019.10.008
Fredrick, E. G., & Mann, A. K. (2025). It’s not just about bills: bathroom access for transgender and nonbinary adults. Sexuality Research and Social Policy. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-025-01186-5
Grannis, C., Leibowitz, S. F., Gahn, S., Nahata, L., Morningstar, M., Mattson, W. I., Chen, D., Strang, J. F., & Nelson, E. E. (2021). Testosterone treatment, internalizing symptoms, and body image dissatisfaction in transgender boys. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 132, 105358. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2021.105358
Grossman, A. H., & D’augelli, A. R. (2006). Transgender youth: Invisible and Vulnerable. Journal of Homosexuality, 51(1), 111–128. https://doi.org/10.1300/j082v51n01_06
Hasenbush, A., Flores, A.R. & Herman, J.L. Gender Identity Nondiscrimination Laws in Public Accommodations: a Review of Evidence Regarding Safety and Privacy in Public Restrooms, Locker Rooms, and Changing Rooms. Sex Res Soc Policy 16, 70–83 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-018-0335-z
Hässler, T., Glazier, J. J., & Olson, K. R. (2022). Consistency of gender identity and preferences across time: An exploration among cisgender and transgender children. Developmental Psychology, 58(11), 2184–2196. https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0001419
Herman, J. L., & Flores, A. R. (2025). How Many Adults and Youth Identify As Transgender In the United States? UCLA School of Law Williams Institute. Retrieved February 17, 2026, from https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/Trans-Pop-Update-Aug-2025.pdf
Hines, D. D., Laury, E. R., & Habermann, B. (2019). They just don’t get me: A qualitative analysis of transgender women’s health care experiences and clinician interactions. Journal of the Association of Nurses in AIDS Care, 30(5), e82–e95. https://doi.org/10.1097/jnc.0000000000000023
Hyde, J. S., Bigler, R. S., Joel, D., Tate, C. C., & Van Anders, S. M. (2018). The future of sex and gender in psychology: Five challenges to the gender binary. American Psychologist, 74(2), 171–193. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000307
Jedrzejewski, B. Y., Marsiglio, M. C., Guerriero, J., Penkin, A., Connelly, K. J., Workgroup, O. T. H. P. “. A. R. F. R., & Berli, J. U. (2023). Regret after Gender-Affirming Surgery: A Multidisciplinary Approach to a Multifaceted Patient Experience. Plastic & Reconstructive Surgery, 152(1), 206–214. https://doi.org/10.1097/prs.0000000000010243
Joel, D. (2021). Beyond the binary: Rethinking sex and the brain. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 122, 165–175. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2020.11.018
Kaltiala, R., Heino, E., Työläjärvi, M., & Suomalainen, L. (2020). Adolescent development and psychosocial functioning after starting cross-sex hormones for gender dysphoria. Nordic journal of psychiatry, 74(3), 213–219. https://doi.org/10.1080/08039488.2019.1691260
Knechtle, B., Dalamitros, A. A., Barbosa, T. M., Sousa, C. V., Rosemann, T., & Nikolaidis, P. T. (2020). Sex Differences in Swimming Disciplines—Can women outperform men in swimming? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(10), 3651. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17103651
Kretz, A. J. (2012). A right to Sexual orientation privacy: Strengthening protections for minors who are outed in schools. Scholar Commons (University of South Carolina), 42(3), 381. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/jled/vol42/iss3/2
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Lerner, J. E. (2021). Having to “Hold It”: Factors That Influence the Avoidance of Using Public Bathrooms among Transgender People. Health & Social Work, 46(4), 260–267. https://doi.org/10.1093/hsw/hlab027
McGuire, J. K., Okrey Anderson, S., & Michaels, C. (2022). “I don’t think you belong in here:” The impact of gender segregated bathrooms on the safety, health, and equality of transgender people. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services, 34(1), 40-62. https://doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2021.1920539
Movement Advancement Project. (2026). Bans on Transgender People Using Bathrooms and Facilities According to their Gender Identity. Retrieved February 17, 2026, from https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps/nondiscrimination/bathroom_bans
Narayan, S. K., Hontscharuk, R., Danker, S., Guerriero, J., Carter, A., Blasdel, G., Bluebond-Langner, R., Ettner, R., Radix, A., Schechter, L., & Berli, J. U. (2021). Guiding the conversation-types of regret after gender-affirming surgery and their associated etiologies. Annals of translational medicine, 9(7), 605. https://doi.org/10.21037/atm-20-6204
Park, R. H., Liu, Y. T., Samuel, A., Gurganus, M., Gampper, T. J., Corbett, S. T., Shahane, A., & Stranix, J. T. (2022). Long-term Outcomes After Gender-Affirming Surgery: 40-Year Follow-up Study. Annals of plastic surgery, 89(4), 431–436. https://doi.org/10.1097/SAP.0000000000003233
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Schwend, A. S. (2020). Trans health care from a depathologization and human rights perspective. Public Health Reviews, 41(1), 3. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40985-020-0118-y
Swan, J., Phillips, T. M., Sanders, T., Mullens, A. B., Debattista, J., & Brömdal, A. (2023). Mental health and quality of life outcomes of gender-affirming surgery: A systematic literature review. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Mental Health, 27(1), 2–45. https://doi.org/10.1080/19359705.2021.2016537
Thornton, S. M., Edalatpour, A., & Gast, K. M. (2024). A systematic review of patient regret after surgery- A common phenomenon in many specialties but rare within gender-affirmation surgery. The American Journal of Surgery, 234, 68–73. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amjsurg.2024.04.021
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Velasco, R. a. F., Slusser, K., & Coats, H. (2022). Stigma and healthcare access among transgender and gender‐diverse people: A qualitative meta‐synthesis. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 78(10), 3083–3100. https://doi.org/10.1111/jan.15323
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Wuest, J. (2019). The Scientific Gaze in American Transgender Politics: Contesting the Meanings of Sex, Gender, and Gender Identity in the Bathroom Rights Cases. Politics & Gender, 15(2), 336–360. doi:10.1017/S1743923X18000338
Xavier, J., Bradford, J., Hendricks, M., Safford, L., McKee, R., Martin, E., & Honnold, J. A. (2013). Transgender Health Care Access in Virginia: A Qualitative Study. International Journal of Transgenderism, 14(1), 3–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/15532739.2013.689513
Narratives on TGD (transgender and gender-diverse) populations
Contents
Supportive narratives
Queer temporality and chrononormativity
Chrononormativity is the idea that time is formulated from capitalism and social relations, and is typically experienced as a natural progression of life (Harvey, 1990). For instance, one might feel guilty for 'leisure time' and irritated by waiting, and one may ponder on their age in relation to their decision to marry and have children 'as others have'. Such thoughts surrounding time seem natural -- hence chrononormativity -- due to the way time is perceived and reinforced by a capitalistic, bourgeoisie society.
Queer temporality is the idea that queer populations experience time and space differently in life. Queer temporality is also referred to as the turn toward temporality, or the elucidation of queer time (Traub, 2013).
Halberstam (2005) states that "queer time" and "queer space" develop against the norms of family, heterosexuality, cisgenderism and reproduction. He defines queer as nonnormative logics and organisations of community, sexual identity, embodiment and activity. He then defines queer time as temporalities that emerge once one moves away from bourgeois norms of family and reproduction, alongside their desire to attain longevity; and defines queer space as practices wherein queer individuals create and engage in counterpublic spaces.
Queer time and space is a different way of life. The existence of queer and TGD populations shows that time and gender can be experienced differently. For instance, some TGD people experience chronological age and "trans" age, lived from the moment of transitioning or coming out, which shows their experiences with time and age are non-linear and fluid (Pearce, 2018a). Queer temporality also seemingly conflicts with fundamentalist Christian values of family and gender roles (Schey, 2023). Since queer temporality goes against temporal and ontological 'normativity', alongside capitalistic benefit, this can be seen and framed as a source of societal instability, which feeds upon others' wider sociocultural anxieties (Yungblut, 2020).
Additionally, if TGD individuals do not display certain characteristics or behaviour expected of them according to their sex assigned at birth, at certain times of their life such as during puberty, they are often perceived as abnormal (Atkinson, 2024). This is also related to the pathologisation of transness section above. Limiting access to gender-affirming care for TGD populations reinforces the idea of chrononormativity, against TGD experiences of queer temporality. It forces 'normative' ideas of time and gender upon them in a world which already scrutinises, doubts and shuns them in many medical, educational and existential contexts, deterring them from living authentic lives (McGregor, 2014).
Queer phenomenology
Queer phenomenology influences how TGD populations inhabit space and comprehend the world.
According to Ahmed (2006), phenomenology can be seen a matter of orientation; about how one finds their way in a world which changes shape depending on which direction they turn. Queer phenomenology centers on orientation with regard to concepts such as gender, where bodies typically orientate towards certain, often heteronormative and cisnormative, objects and take shape. Veering away from 'normative' objects creates queer moments, where bodies take on different forms from the norm. Ahmed also emphasises the emotions which individuals feel, and the journeys they embark on as they discover their gender.
Living in a world where orientation is seen as reaching towards heteronormative and cisnormative objects or events (e.g., marriage, family), TGD populations can feel out of place in society. Objects relating to queerness and TGD are not easily understandable, hence perpetuating an out-of-placeness for TGD individuals, who are on a continuous journey of orientating themselves in a world largely unequipped in helping them reach these objects, or even shuns them for doing so (Todd, 2023).
TGD populations pose a threat in challenging how institutions and those in power classify specific bodies (Rodemeyer, 2024), as the lived experiences of TGD populations go against the norm of what objects humans are supposed to orientate towards. Like with queer temporality, there is a narrative that the unwillingness of TGD populations to adhere to societal norms of gender, which 'creates confusion' for those who are orientated towards 'normal' paths of life and object, is unintelligible and disturbs societal stability (Lin, 2025).
Queer existentialist perspective
The queer existentialist perspective is a perspective-taking framework which promotes resiliency and wellbeing while socially authenticating the self, drawn from TGD individuals' life history narratives. Describing three different turning points, or significant life events in TGD narratives, Anderson (2025) shows how existential perspectives can facilitate ways of life that help TGD populations live their lives in more fulfilling ways despite facing social oppression and discrimination.
The first turning point is the liberation of the self. This is where TGD populations realise that by relieving themselves of objectifying social norms which they have likely internalised, including predominant gender norms, they become better able to fulfill the self's needs and desires. Living as TGD is, in fact, an expression of the real self against societal norms, involving a rejection of others' expectations as this is often seen as 'wrong' or 'done out of confusion' (Crowter, 2022). It is then going against the potentials and realities of such stigma and staying true to one's self, and transitioning as a trans person, which has generally been found to be associated with greater wellbeing in TGD populations in spite of possible or faced discrimination (James et al., 2024).
The second turning point is relating authentically. This is where TGD populations achieve their needs and desires through socialisation, through recognising how others impose social limitations and how such limitations are internalised within oneself; then no longer abiding to social practices which did not suit them, instead liberating themselves from social norms which restrain them to cultivate more authentic social connections. Not conforming to binary gender norms enhances self-recognition in TGD populations. This means TGD populations are able to come more to terms with their identity, where they no longer need to hide away the authentic self's needs and desires and are able to form more trusting, intimate relationships (Goetz, 2023).
The third turning point is cultivating freedom. This is where TGD populations, based on their knowledge of inflexible and oppressive social norms, attempt to free others from such norms through their perspectives and practices. Encouraging each other to search for and connect with the positives of being TGD has been found to boost wellbeing and protect against negative health outcomes in TGD populations (Tebbe et al., 2024). Being aware of systemic oppression and continuing to uplift each other, alongside participating in work which helps other TGD individuals, also seems to promote hope for the community and future (Singh et al., 2011).
Non-linear transitioning
Transitioning for TGD populations encompasses the social and physical/medical, and the gender-related experience encompasses the exploration and presentation of self-image and identity (Kuper et al., 2018).
Social and medical transitioning can happen in different orders for TGD individuals. Some individuals undergo gender-affirming surgery without changing their social role, while some undergo social transitioning, also known as "real-life experience" before they receive gender-affirming care or surgery, which shows flexibility in the transitioning process (Rachlin, 2018). Achieving social and medical/physical milestones are important for TGD populations, but no specific ordering of doing so has been found to be the "best"; the choice should depend on the individual's needs and wants and does not have to be fixed (Klein & Washington, 2023).
Conventional models assume a singular, definite outcome for gender transitioning, where individuals firmly change their gender from one to another. The reality, however, is that TGD populations sometimes experience their transitions iteratively, where one's desired end goal may change again and again, and where the process of transitioning feels more integral than the final result (Diamond et al., 2011).
It is not uncommon for shifts in gender identity to take place amongst TGD individuals. For instance, in a sample of 183 TGD youth, it has been found that 28.9% of participants experienced shifts from a binary identity to a non-binary identity, or from non-binary to binary (Katz-Wise et al., 2023). Individuals may also find themselves de-transitioning or re-transitioning at different points in life, where social and physical changes occur non-linearly (Pearce, 2018b).
For non-binary individuals, transitioning is not clear cut either. They experience confusion and difficulties as they navigate their transitions in a world designed for binary identities. Historically, medical-surgical and legal processes are required for individuals to be recognised as a transgender person (Coppola & Oliva, 2024). Therefore, they sometimes feel pressure from themselves or others to transition through binary surgeries to avoid feeling invalidated (Murawsky, 2023). Despite this, many non-binary individuals only undergo the gender-affirming procedures they see fit, or do not medically transition at all (Burchell, 2020). A non-binary person's transition often has no clear-cut end result, as there exists no binary to reach for. Non-binary transitioning, both social and medical, can therefore be understood as non-linear and an ongoing project in the works, fluid and shifting at different points throughout life (Taylor et al., 2018). Transitioning is also non-linear since some non-binary individuals find themselves aligning more with binary orientations, or that of other gender identities overtime (Rodriguez, 2025).
Disruptive narratives surrounding TGD populations
Doubts on TGD populations' morality
A common anti-TGD narrative is that TGD individuals have malicious intent and are motivated by voyeurism, and therefore deceive cisgender individuals into sexual encounters using the 'excuse' of being a different gender (Wodda & Panfil, 2014). Many anti-TGD individuals believe that TGD adults pose a danger to children due to being 'morally compromised', and that transness is a 'social contagion' which spreads from person to person, adopted by people who are either confused about their identity or want an excuse to act maliciously (Walker, 2023). Therefore, some who oppose TGD populations frame TGD as a nefarious lifestyle choice (Cloud, 2018).
The brunt of it largely falls upon transgender women. Media has perpetuated the idea that transgender women are insincere, dressing as women only to gain access to women exclusive spaces (Colliver, 2021). The Trump administration has focused their attention on policies relating to women as well to isolate and therefore condemn transgender women (see sex-segregated public spaces and bathrooms and keeping men out of women's sports sections above). Moreover, some within the trans-exclusionary feminist (TERF) movement believe that trans womanhood is an excuse for men to infiltrate women's spaces and undermine feminist progress and women's rights from within (Bassi & LaFleur, 2022).
Why this claim is incorrect
Being TGD is not a social contagion which spreads. In the US, only around 1% of the population aged 13 or older identify as transgender (Herman & Flores, 2025) despite exposure to TGD information, and cisgender children generally do not identify as TGD even as they grow older. Being TGD is not a fad either; transgender people have always existed throughout history across nations far and wide, even before the existence of media made their existence more well-known (Wiesner-Hanks, 2021).
Being TGD is not a choice and is not a 'contagion' one contracts. Many research papers suggest that being transgender largely has a biological and genetic component (Mueller et al., 2021; Polderman et al., 2018; Ristori et al., 2020; Steensma et al., 2013). One does not become TGD to commit crime.
TGD populations do not pose a threat to society and to women and children purely based on their gender; in fact, they are much more likely to be victims of sexual and interpersonal violence than cisgender people (Flores et al., 2021; Tubman et al., 2024).
Rather than working against women's rights, transgender women have been recorded to fight for women's rights, raising issues like prostitution, transgenderism and feminism at conferences (Platero & Ortega-Arjonilla, 2015).
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